Skip to main content

I lived in a OEM Apartheid state, I know when it is Apartheid: Palestinians now live in it. The God of Abraham will never condone Apartheid.

The familiar and straightforward models of land-dispossession-anchored-global-capitalist economic system centre around using nation-state-driven violence to sustain the dispossession as a means to legitimise the system of global-north-domination. The origins of such a system are traced from how the global north agreed on its version of sovereignty and which geographical spaces would be allowed to be nation-states and which would always be 'occupied territories' in all the euphemisms that evolved with such titling. 

The treaty of Westphalia in 1648 and the Berlin Conference of 1884 remain the authoritative departure point on how the global land dispossession-based capitalist system will be sustained. Countries were registered as farms belonging to some European monarchs, and there were nation-states whose land transfer system was still dependent on title deed registration in European Capitals. the company and intellectual property registration of several African Countries is legitimate to the extent that it is registered in the parent colonial centre. There is no evidence of a treaty which nullified agreements made at the two conferences, and it would seem the title deeds written to codify the outcomes of those treaties legally are still intact and potentially enforced through proxy measures. 


The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has as its spiritual origins a Judeo-Christian context where the Jews believe in the creation of heaven and earth out of nothing by God. In their argument, which has the Bible as the primary source document, they posit that after Adam and Eve failed God in the Garden of Eden, God entered into a 'blood' covenant with Abraham about the promised land, they now call Israel. In Judeo-Christian parlance, the title deed for the promised land starts at the Euphrates River to the Nile River in Egypt, which is an area covering 300,000 square miles. The current 8,000 square miles that Israel occupies is, according to them, a fraction of what they are permanently entitled to as descendants of Abraham. The faith-based character of this claim makes all other arguments, treaties such as the Oslo Agreement, and many other post-war treaties on the Palestinian question convenient recordals of progress towards a covenant to claim the entire 300,000 square miles. Notwithstanding this Biblical truth or facts, the God of Abraham, Jacob, and Isaac will never condone Apartheid. To Him, it will always be sinful and blasphemous if it is practised in His Name. Our emotions should not become commandments of Biblical Edicts.


The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which will now include the genocidal attack on Palestinians, also has as its origins the colonial context. Through the Balfour Declaration, the United Kingdom handed over Palestinian land to Jews who wanted to return to Israel, then called a return to the Holy Land. The political state of Israel started a land occupation program that could only mean the dispossession of whoever was the incumbent at the time. A cocktail for an intergenerational land conflict was served to the world, and the rest is now history. How the occupying Jews went about 'reclaiming' the 'promised land' or 'dispossessing incumbents of their land' created narratives that have today culminated in the characterisation of the relations between Israelis and Palestinians as a crime against humanity, apartheid.


Having lived under apartheid in a country that can be given the title of 'original-(social)engineering-concept-manufacturer (OEcM), South Africa, accounts of how Palestinians are treated in Israel are no different from what we went through in South Africa. On the strength of such accounts, it would be difficult for a South African who lived on the victim side of Apartheid not to agree with the characterisation of the State of Israel as the Apartheid State. Like during apartheid, it is encouraging to observe conscientious Jews and Christians standing up to say what the 'earthly State of Israel' is currently doing Palestine does not enjoy their support and endorsement. 


In a world where multilateralism has become an extension of a governing order representative of a particular hegemony, in this case, the global north, the enforcement mechanisms have progressively assumed a character of systemic continuities of the colonial and occupation past liquidated in the twentieth-century anti-colonial struggles of the global South. The undergirding juggernaut of international norms and standards, financial services industry protocols, global trade restrictions, structural adjustment programs, global treaties that oblige non-signatories to oblige, and categorisations and boundaries of law pushed through these treaties have for a while served to choke the global South from entering a decoloniality context required to demonstrate true sovereignty. 


As nations redefine their sovereignty viz-a-viz these treaties and declare themselves free or independent from the original title holders, there is little to no evidence that the role of law and the legal system of and in occupying states has been changed regarding how it reshapes how the free and independent countries-as-assets become recategorised and transformed into capital of the ascending sovereign nations. The way freedom and independence settlements are sponsored by the legal system and jurisprudence, which codified the legality of dispossession, has been determinant to the acceptability of the settlement in the global legal system. Politics have tended to approach the role of post-occupation or post-colonial constitutions, the codification of settlements, in terms of what access to the distributive and allocative power of the state and never focused on the role of the law, common or otherwise, undergirding the dynamics of primary property ownership and generational rights associated to that. 


The common depictions of law as stable, almost sacrosanct, and often the law that its rule is the overarching principle, immunises from the public eye the work that is done in global law philosophy and hegemony prescribing and protecting firms, and less in liberated legislative institutions or even in-country-indigenous-law-based-courtrooms. The anti-colonialism liberation struggles of the twentieth century, which have been iconic in liquidating the moral basis of occupation by the global north, have yet to bankrupt the normative hold of the colonial legal system in categorisations of assets and the notarial power of colonial records. 


The crisis in the Middle East, notably between Israel and Palestine, is more than which of the two states is entitled to defensible borders. It has its roots in the Westphalia and Berlin Conference entitlement of Britain to give Jews the then 'dispossessed land' from Palestinians to establish the Jewish State of Israel. As a consequence, a new geography of the Middle East was created. The securable and variously recognised sovereign borders of Israel have drawn lines whose sustenance seems to suggest that the two-state policy is abandoned. The land question is now receiving a different approach, extinction of settlements through bombardment and takeover of unoccupied spaces irrespective of who manufactured modern-day smallpox, as we have seen in Africa and other spaces where aboriginal land was at stake. 


However, the multilateral global governance institutions and systems neglect the role of enforcement treaties in shaping how dispossessed land becomes categorized and transformed into capital or new borderlines between states. This condition permeates all societies that still have land dispossession grievances to settle. Supporting the Palestinians is, to the Global South, more than just a human solidarity issue; it is about representing what still needs to be resolved elsewhere. The template of physical land occupation has gradually moved into the cyber and digital spaces. Many Gaza strips exist in the cyber economic space, and cloud space dominance is the new colonisation terrain. The SWIFT, which BRICS countries are targeting to reduce its hold on Global Trade, has been curated to be feared. The Israel Crisis represents broader issues in the template of global dominance. CUT!!!

 

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The revolution can't breathe; it is incomplete.

Only some political revolutions get to be completed. Because all revolutions end up with a settlement by elites and incumbents, they have become an outcome of historical moment-defined interests and less about the actual revolution. This settlement often involves a power-sharing agreement among the ruling elites and the incumbent government, which may not fully address the revolutionary goals. When the new power relations change, the new shape they take almost always comes with new challenges. As the quest for political power surpasses that of pursuing social and economic justice, alliances formed on the principles of a national revolution suffocate.    The ANC-led tripartite alliance's National Democratic Revolution is incomplete. The transfer of the totality of the power it sought to achieve still needs to be completed. While political power is arguably transferred, the checks and balances which the settlement has entrenched in the constitutional order have made the transfer...

The Ngcaweni and Mathebula conversation. On criticism as Love and disagreeing respectfully.

Busani Ngcaweni wrote about criticism and Love as a rendition to comrades and Comrades. His rendition triggered a rejoinder amplification of its validity by introducing  a dimension of disagreeing respectfully. This is a developing conversation and could trigger other rejoinders. The decision to think about issues is an event. Thinking is a process in a continuum of idea generation. Enjoy our first grins and bites; see our teeth. Busani Ngcaweni writes,   I have realised that criticism is neither hatred, dislike, embarrassment, nor disapproval. Instead, it is an expression of Love, hope, and elevated expectation—hope that others can surpass our own limitations and expectation that humanity might achieve greater heights through others.   It is often through others that we project what we aspire to refine and overcome. When I criticise you, I do not declare my superiority but believe you can exceed my efforts and improve.   Thus, when we engage in critici...

The ANC succession era begins.

  The journey towards the 16th of December 2027 ANC National Elective Conference begins in December 2024 at the four influential regions of Limpopo Province. With a 74% outcome at the 2024 National and Provincial elections, which might have arguably saved the ANC from garnering the 40% saving grace outcome, Limpopo is poised to dictate the cadence of who ultimately succeeds Cyril Ramaphosa, the outgoing ANC President.  The ANC faces one of its existential resilience-defining sub-national conferences since announcing its inarguably illusive and ambitious renewal programme. Never has it faced a conference with weakened national voter support, an emboldened opposition complex that now has a potential alternative to itself in the MK Party-led progressive caucus and an ascending substrate of the liberal order defending influential leaders within its ranks. The ideological contest between the left and right within the ANC threatens the disintegration of its electora...