The 2011 local government elections have come and gone. The results have been released by what is arguably the most efficient elections management agency in the entire developing world, the IEC. Political analysts and statisticians are now grappling with the implications of the numbers and how these are reflective of the continuing South African story. In this forest of opinions, consensus on the fact that the country’s democracy is maturing has emerged. Critical in understanding this consensus will be what areas are being consolidated for the current growth path.
In the South African scheme of things it was very heartening to observe the inner circle of the DA, which is numerically still white, embracing the monuments of the struggle against Apartheid colonialism as their own. The launch of the DA’s manifesto at Kliptown, the ANC’s ancestral policy mecca became yet another positive in this maturity path. The launch represented a tacit adoption of the Freedom Charter dictums as the context of all political contexts in South Africa. The Freedom Charter as a representative embodiment of freedom demands for all is now the template upon which political parties may have to be judged in future. The extent to which a party can convince South Africans on achieving the demands set at Kliptown in 1955 will in the near future its appeal to the electorate.
Whilst some of those that voted the DA celebrated the declaration of Robert McBride as ‘murderer’ by a ‘case law’ dependent independent judiciary, it was consoling to see the DA celebrating another ‘murderer’ in Mamelodi in the name of Solomon Mahlangu. The extent to which the strategy was a collective emotion of the historical voting base of the DA is what South Africa still needs to decode as we progress. The in-country potential of the visit to these monuments as well as the salient educative impact by the history of these heroes is what the erstwhile National Party minister of tourism should exploit. In this reawakening, South Africa should be opportunistic in weaving into this embrace of struggle heroes, a strategy to resuscitate the anti-British imperialism heroics of the Afrikaner anti-colonial struggle that incidentally created for South Africa a complete detachment of the colony from the pre-1960 coloniser.
The embrace of struggle icons still needs to be followed-up by visible presence of the ‘new members’ of the anti-Apartheid nation. The previous celebration of national holidays has clearly divided South Africa in terms of those that see these holidays representing their defeat and those that display triumph against Apartheid; invariably creating an anti-Apartheid nation drawn mostly from Apartheid victims and natural democrats. The shepherding of the DA’s historic constituency to recognise other non-Mandela heroes that are McBride-like is one of the greatest dividends of our maturation process is yielding; a spirit that should find its path into the emotional fundamental of the country’s judiciary, given their serial liberation struggle denouncing judgements to date.
The toilet saga has provided South Africa with one of the rarest opportunities post-liberation democracies have and/or had in the history of the African continent. The condition where a liberation movement and/or post-liberation ruling party is reduced into an official opposition at sub-national government is arguably the best check and balance to regulate empty politicking on service delivery matters. The opposition party status of the national ruling party at sub-national government level procures for service delivery focused governance at all levels without fear or favour. The toilet saga has taught the ruling ANC the lesson of opposing only on those matters that it is not failing itself; the resort to its ‘overdraft facility’, the struggle history, at the tail end of the electioneering period indicated midcourse correction creativity on its part.
The importance of decentralisation that is anchored by capacity to generate own revenue is now cast in stone as the best aspect of democratic life. The competition for the 6 Metropolitan municipalities as key jurisdictions with which political parties can demonstrate their ready to govern capability has entrenched the multi-jurisdictional nature of political mandate sourcing. The elevation of individuals, through the ‘involvement’ of the community, in municipal ward contests may have reintroduced the need to have Parliament being directly elected on the basis of constituencies; this seed has found resonance within the ANC. The integration of society into non-race based communities seems to be the only obstacle for such a system to be embraced by predominantly black political formations.
The reality of the political ignorant of born free becoming a new voting factor as a result of the opportunity dividends of the 1994 democratic breakthrough is a positive that will redefine the ‘broad church’ fallacy within a profoundly pro-left ruling ANC. The shift from race-identity politics to ideological voting as well as service delivery excellence voting will force the introduction of efficiencies in the public service and public sector. The policy making machinery requisite to stem the tide of voter takeover by a growing opposition within a shrinking voter population creates a bonded investment to be cashed in at a historical epoch by either of the emerging ideological poles. This presents new theoretical insights on the political science domain for South Africa; a feast for social and political scientists.
The absence of a discourse in these elections on the fundamental struggle demands such as land reform, affirmative action, BEE and general restitution on a number of Apartheid created imbalances positions historically anti-Apartheid parties as custodians of demands for the poor.
In the South African scheme of things it was very heartening to observe the inner circle of the DA, which is numerically still white, embracing the monuments of the struggle against Apartheid colonialism as their own. The launch of the DA’s manifesto at Kliptown, the ANC’s ancestral policy mecca became yet another positive in this maturity path. The launch represented a tacit adoption of the Freedom Charter dictums as the context of all political contexts in South Africa. The Freedom Charter as a representative embodiment of freedom demands for all is now the template upon which political parties may have to be judged in future. The extent to which a party can convince South Africans on achieving the demands set at Kliptown in 1955 will in the near future its appeal to the electorate.
Whilst some of those that voted the DA celebrated the declaration of Robert McBride as ‘murderer’ by a ‘case law’ dependent independent judiciary, it was consoling to see the DA celebrating another ‘murderer’ in Mamelodi in the name of Solomon Mahlangu. The extent to which the strategy was a collective emotion of the historical voting base of the DA is what South Africa still needs to decode as we progress. The in-country potential of the visit to these monuments as well as the salient educative impact by the history of these heroes is what the erstwhile National Party minister of tourism should exploit. In this reawakening, South Africa should be opportunistic in weaving into this embrace of struggle heroes, a strategy to resuscitate the anti-British imperialism heroics of the Afrikaner anti-colonial struggle that incidentally created for South Africa a complete detachment of the colony from the pre-1960 coloniser.
The embrace of struggle icons still needs to be followed-up by visible presence of the ‘new members’ of the anti-Apartheid nation. The previous celebration of national holidays has clearly divided South Africa in terms of those that see these holidays representing their defeat and those that display triumph against Apartheid; invariably creating an anti-Apartheid nation drawn mostly from Apartheid victims and natural democrats. The shepherding of the DA’s historic constituency to recognise other non-Mandela heroes that are McBride-like is one of the greatest dividends of our maturation process is yielding; a spirit that should find its path into the emotional fundamental of the country’s judiciary, given their serial liberation struggle denouncing judgements to date.
The toilet saga has provided South Africa with one of the rarest opportunities post-liberation democracies have and/or had in the history of the African continent. The condition where a liberation movement and/or post-liberation ruling party is reduced into an official opposition at sub-national government is arguably the best check and balance to regulate empty politicking on service delivery matters. The opposition party status of the national ruling party at sub-national government level procures for service delivery focused governance at all levels without fear or favour. The toilet saga has taught the ruling ANC the lesson of opposing only on those matters that it is not failing itself; the resort to its ‘overdraft facility’, the struggle history, at the tail end of the electioneering period indicated midcourse correction creativity on its part.
The importance of decentralisation that is anchored by capacity to generate own revenue is now cast in stone as the best aspect of democratic life. The competition for the 6 Metropolitan municipalities as key jurisdictions with which political parties can demonstrate their ready to govern capability has entrenched the multi-jurisdictional nature of political mandate sourcing. The elevation of individuals, through the ‘involvement’ of the community, in municipal ward contests may have reintroduced the need to have Parliament being directly elected on the basis of constituencies; this seed has found resonance within the ANC. The integration of society into non-race based communities seems to be the only obstacle for such a system to be embraced by predominantly black political formations.
The reality of the political ignorant of born free becoming a new voting factor as a result of the opportunity dividends of the 1994 democratic breakthrough is a positive that will redefine the ‘broad church’ fallacy within a profoundly pro-left ruling ANC. The shift from race-identity politics to ideological voting as well as service delivery excellence voting will force the introduction of efficiencies in the public service and public sector. The policy making machinery requisite to stem the tide of voter takeover by a growing opposition within a shrinking voter population creates a bonded investment to be cashed in at a historical epoch by either of the emerging ideological poles. This presents new theoretical insights on the political science domain for South Africa; a feast for social and political scientists.
The absence of a discourse in these elections on the fundamental struggle demands such as land reform, affirmative action, BEE and general restitution on a number of Apartheid created imbalances positions historically anti-Apartheid parties as custodians of demands for the poor.
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