The
death of Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi has triggered not only the battle for the
pivot of Zulu cultural and political life, the position of the Kingdom's
Premiership but also a battle for a potentially politically stranded
KwaZulu-Natal abaNTU vote. The speeches at uMtwana's memorial service, which in
many ways assumed the status of parading a potential alternative, through
coalition, to the ANC as the governing party, were choreographed to appease the
KZN vote.
Since the successes of opposition parties' coalitions
against the ANC in local government in 2016 and 2021, leaders of opposition
parties have realised the value of having their parties working together to
undermine ANC hegemony wherever it threatens to renew itself. The death of
Buthelezi, however, has made opposition leaders concerned about the potential
advances of the ANC to capture the political soul of a Buthelezi-as-a-person
specific voter constituency. In the last five years of Buthelezi's life, there
have been signals of a preference by Buthelezi to have his ANCYL membership
reinstated to 'correct' what he regarded as a distortion of history as he
wanted it narrated.
Youth formations and younger leaders have been playing
the vital role of lowering in-KwaZulu Natal tensions and encouraging, through
the office of King MisuZulu, mutual understanding within 'uZulu omnyama'.
Notwithstanding a tormented past of killing each other, the ANC and IFP
provincial establishments are finding, and where they don't exist,
manufacturing, reasons to cooperate beyond what politically divides them. The
familial relationships between key individuals in these organisations have
created apolitical sponsored moments where common interests started to redefine
the strained political relationships.
Of course, there are significant differences between
the dominant political parties today than during the anti-apartheid years. The
understanding of Zulu nationalism as an essential mobilisation force to govern
the whole territory of South Africa has brought the cognitive elites of KwaZulu
Natal closer to each other than in any period of their history. The overlapping
'ethnic nationalist interests' of political leaders of all parties in KZN have
complicated the question of how to oppose each other inservice delivery
matters. The July 2021 events and the infrastructure-compromising floods that
followed have demonstrated how the tensions of party politics have made
collaboration in finding solutions to problems sensitive.
One of the strategic ways this battle for the KwaZulu
Natal vote is fought is by making the whole of the territory of South Africa
Nguni vote a critical determinant of who leads South Africa. The Buthelezi
legacy linked and apartheid separate development policy justification successes
have now been elevated to a level where the post-1994 democratic order is
judged against. The emerging density of the post-Buthelezi death political
rhetoric suggests that the continuum of his legacy has always been as innocent
as the corpse. The political turtles of KZN have also become a potent force in
this battle for the Zulu vote.
Unfortunately for the governing ANC, which has
historically identified tribalism as a demon to be fought to anchor any future
political stability of South Africa, the repercussions of how the legal system
has treated or been treating its immediate past President, Jacob Zuma, under
its executive authority watch, might have created an artificial sieve within
which opposing the ANC makes regional political sense. This problematic
circumstance might be why the official government stance has become the most important
crucial narrative the ANC adopted to navigate an otherwise 2024 National
Elections defining funeral service of uMtwana Ka Phindangene. His
memorialisation by the state managed to avoid it being a dimension of the ANC
gift of political campaigning platform.
It is a known fact that the liberation movement
identity of the ANC is a hegemonic asset all opposition parties are working
hard to undermine in the hearts and minds of South Africans. The ability of a
Buthelezi-led IFP to carve 'no-go areas for the ANC and stand up against it has
been hailed to have been the only bulwark with which the difficult-to-liquidate
liberation movement legacy can be undermined. Cultural cooperation, in KZN or
amongst the Zulus, is an essential form of political mobilisation, opposition
politics diplomacy, and an ethnic nationalist feeling. Once the regional elites
begin working together for the higher cause of regional dominance, activists
and the entire cognitive elite constituencies, including those with
long-standing animosities, often overcome their other biases and learn to
respect each other as a cultural unit.
The connections forged in village-boy or girl
settings, 'isigodi solidarity', can have enormous political coalition-forming
consequences. The 'umkhaya' trust relationships that the KZN networks
established while considering purely cultural issues have already demonstrated
their potency in how they helped lead to the peace initiatives and agreements
that ended the near civil war IFP/ANC violence of the 90s. As INkosi
Buthelezi's mortal remains negotiate with his immortal legacy, the fragile
democratic order that South Africa needs to forge a relationship with the
reality of the growing regional rigidities defining our national politics.
Pursuing political power through unprincipled
coalitions will be more of a risk to the decay than when it is circumcised to
pursue peaceful co-existence. Tradition-intensive events such as the burial of
INkosi Buthelezi are uniquely able to build bridges where they could never have
existed. This is simply because we all share the language of sorrow, and the
institutions and rituals we employ to help us transcend the solemn moments of
grief create capsules within which we are squashed into one national mourning
moment. Let the battle for votes strike this balance. CUT!!!
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