The governing party convened a meeting at the University of the
Western Cape to start a dialogue on coalition government arrangements. The
"anyone but the ANC" posture taken by the opposition complex, which
has plunged local government into a governance crisis, was a reawakening to the
ANC of the leader of society role it still commands in South Africa. The
coalition dialogue was thus about how to contest political power without
collapsing the capability of the state to deliver goods and services.
Despite
all the speeches, press statements, and summits on coalitions, including high-level
secret meetings between parties, the governing party has not yet answered the
essential question: What outcome do they seek in the coalition dialogue?
The truth is that the South African electoral system gives political parties an
advantage to contest for state power; the interests and mandates voters give
them will define coalitions. Despite the court ruling on the rights of
individuals to challenge outside a party's political slate, the idea of a
constituency-based electoral system will take time, at least another term, to
mature.
When
pressed to answer the question, the governing party foregrounds its interests as
the stability of the democratic order...In somewhat hushed tones, it emerges that
they are focused on influencing the balance of forces to keep the ANC at the
centre despite the prospect of a less than 50% majority in any political jurisdiction.
However, the bona fides of the ANC-as-liberation-movement (ANC-as-LM) are
unquestionable to the extent that they are acting in a leader of society
mode.
The
absence of a vision and practical steps to show how the coalition as a
governing party will change the woes of South Africa's service delivery
challenges is dangerous. Society does not know the purpose of wanting to
control how parties should manage their majority of minorities' mandates. The
preoccupation with entitlement to govern despite failure to inspire voters to
find a reason to return to the governing party is a settling demagoguery tearing
the fabric of the political order.
Likewise,
framing the coalition arrangement in existential terms pushes the governing
elite to pursue policies that seek the emerging opposition coalition to
collapse while airbrushing the danger and self-harm that such a strategy would
invite. Without a publicly known vision and strategy to pacify the risks of
unmanageable coalitions in the national and provincial spheres, this risks the
accumulated credibility of the ANC-as-LM as a South Africa belongs to all who
live in its centric organisation.
Civil
society movements that still believe in the ideational prowess of the ANC, at
least what is in its policy annals, have joined the issue-specific opposition
complexes to hedge their relevance or social capital because, unlike before,
they don't know the strategy about coalitions. These movements avoid being
trapped in skirmishes with a well-funded opposition complex only to see the
ANC-as-liberation movement abruptly abandoning what it stands for and exposing
them to the wrath of the civil society funder complex.
In
the same way, as it sets the higher objective of dealing with apartheid and
colonialism as a (global) crime against humanity, the ANC-as-LM should need to develop
an objective on coalitions that would enjoy durable civil society support and
be compatible with the will of the people priorities. As a standard, this
posture should also allow civil society to anticipate the direction of the
ANC-as-LM policy and its guiding logic or ideology.
Despite
the dearth of depth in articulating the ideological intents of the ANC-as-LM
and the encroaching strange breeds of leaders via the ANC-as-a-political party,
it still needs to address the unwillingness or inability to articulate its
stance on coalitions in ideological terms. Such a stance should apply to in
all its institutional personalities. It should be easy to do so if the NDR
objectives are re-mainstreamed onto the centre of ANCness irrespective of in
what frame of mind its many context-defined breeds of leaders are.
If
successful, the ANC-as-LM strategy on coalitions should entangle the opposition
complex by achieving NDR objectives as the constitutionally correct thing to
do. The normative appeal of the National Democratic Society ideal should be the
path all coalitions choose and only have contestations on the how-to issues. Preserving
the constitutional order as the only substrate to sustain the democratic order
should be the watermark of all coalition outcomes if the ANC-as-LM is
ideologically focused in these dialogues.
Any outcome outside this ideological posture should position anyone baulking at the NDR to be anti-constitutional order. It should make opposition to what the NDR is all about, which, arguably, is what a liberation promise-focused analysis would find the Constitution of South Africa to be, to be an affront on the rule of law the ANC had bequeathed to South Africa With all its service delivery imperfections, the ANC-as-LM should make any veering away from the liberation promise in the Constitution a political reputation risk of great proportions.
With
a rising youth bulge in the opposition complex, notably the reported voting
trends at South Africa's higher education institutions and young professional
ranks, the momentum of ideational influence is not tilting in favour of the
ANC-as-LM. Whoever inherits this constituency will have the edge to grab an
otherwise orphaned ideological hegemony space vacated by the ANC Youth League.
Reliance on a memory-of-the-past-based ideation cohort or breed of leadership
can only yield defensive postures to justify why things are not working instead
of breaking new ground to make them work.
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