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The template is challenged. Election manifestos must rise to the occasion

Before the 16 December 2024 announcement by Jacob Zuma, it seemed as if the vision of having a South Africa governed by a funded consensus was on track. There was an implicit understanding that a coalition of the ANC and the DA would be the political silver bullet to the unfolding service delivery and ideological woes inflicting the democratic order. The opposition complex was already working on a moonshot pact whose intention was to “unite all the forces that stand opposed to the ANC and the EFF”. There were also moves to consolidate stranded members of the ANC from the UDF generation through Roger Jardine’s Change Starts Now party. 

As this cocktail of coalition government is packaged, the left 'looking' and 'believing' coalition was recovering from a liberal order endorsed by Ramaphosa’s presidency. The ANC, in particular, is fighting a rigorous, sophisticated, and highly funded hostile takeover by a global liberal order. The liberation struggle parties and their splinters have been packaged into a camp targeted not to have complete control of state power. 

 

With the emerging conception of democracy by South Africa's political party funders being a government of the majority of minorities, the single-party majority rule system has been under pressure. Opposition complex, friendly civil society movements, and strategic policy think tanks aligned with the global liberal order have been re-interpreting the Constitution and its human rights system to favour the status quo through litigation and legal precedence setting. The courts and the academic media complex have been the platforms for executing the lawfare strategy.

 

In this strategy, the EFF was seen as the spoiler because of its opposition party status and airtime advantage in any national discourse. The nine cardinal pillars of the EFF, most of which are the suppressed and airbrushed resolutions of the Malema-as-President ANCYL, remain instructive to a generation of youth he led both within and outside the dominant ANC. The "mosquito taken out of the tent" grew into an elephant outside the tent. Then, 16 December came, and the MK Party threw the preparations for the 2024 liberal and majority of minorities political system into turmoil. This upended the vision of a South Africa that was starting to believe the status quo is a function of the three decades of ANC governing party status and not related to the more than century-old templates of domination. Notwithstanding the MK Party's reliance on the "wenzeni-u-Zuma" slogan, it has started raising fundamental ideological and economic questions. These are templates of domination fracturing questions few political parties dare to ask. 

 

With South Africa still battling the legacy of its tormenting apartheid past, the emergence of the MK party is a part indicator that the country has a political explosion potential. The response on the person of Jacob Zuma instead of addressing the issues the MK Party is raising has generated an interest in why matters of the country are reduced to personalities. The liberation promise of the anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggles is replacing corruption and state capture as central issues in the upcoming elections. There is a growing assertiveness to confront the issue of economic freedom in our lifetime as an antidote to a potential mass insurrection should a liberal coalition have a breakthrough after the elections. The impending show of force at Moses Mabhida Stadium by the EFF, the ANC, and the IFP will be an indication of strength in the wake of the latent growing strength of the new 'adult' in the block. 

 

While numerical strength will be necessary for the upcoming elections, the insurrection igniting character of the issues the party manifestos will raise will be required for voters. Solving the economic transformation discontents of the country is essential to create the stability of the democratic order. There should also be a readiness to bargain with those facing the prospect of incarceration as a result of corruption and state capture. The political party funding complex should abandon the idea of an ANC-DA coalition; its visible outputs are persecution instead of prosecution of African executives without any similar action on non-African transgressions of more significant proportions. 

 

No matter what the liberal order does, if it is not part of the economic transformation package, ferocious resistance will exist. The freedom in our lifetime generation, which is silent but in the ascendancy in almost all political parties, including white youth demanding freedom from the yoke of apartheid ancestry, is growing in hostility to the status quo defending shenanigans of the CODESA Accord defenders and political mercenaries. Organised Black Business is about to scream that it can't breathe, given the erosion of its market base and inability to mobilise funding from a hostile financial services sector. The cognitive elites of African origin are consolidating into new narratives and redefining the ideation agenda to respond to the liberation promise. 


Despite these matters being political, the realities of inflation, rising interest rates, the middle-class debt bulge, the growing unemployment of qualified black people (including medical doctors in a worse health outcome phase of the country), and the rising number of Sherrif attachments and bank repossessions to the middle class are so loud that any manifesto that does not address itself to these will be a betrayal. Unless the various parties understand that this election is about whose plight matters, we might be in for a better coordinated July 2021. CUT!!!

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