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Building Black Intellectual tradition is a visibility intelligence matter.

Rather than allowing our thinking or thoughts to be enslaved to narratives that follow existing paradigms of and about our Africanness, we can engage with these narratives while in conversation with great writings by diverse authors who help us to understand dimensions of truth, goodness, and beauty that we cannot access without drawing on their unique experiences and ways of being in and seeing the world. In this sense, the writings of Black intellectuals such as Anton Lembede, AP Mda, Robert Sobukwe, Steven BaNtu Biko, and many others should be the essential part of all of our education in truth, goodness, and beauty.

Black Intellectualism is not only about black intellectuals seeking to recover “what people in the past meant by the things they said and what these things ‘meant’ to them.” It is about exploring what concerns the livelihoods of societies they come from, live in, and live with. More acutely, it focuses extensively on black livelihoods discourses and cultural innovations, including music, materiality, heritage management, and spatial structuring, and how these types of production have changed over time.

 

The depth of this intellectualism will remain shallow if it addresses itself to the social rapture associated with socio-cultural' encroachments that manifested themselves through conquest, marginalisation, dispossession of the base, and dislocation. Catastrophic social and cultural violence that got recorded as the dominant history of being African, and which made black intellectuals unconscious brokers of the legitimisation of the narrative, requires new versions for society to take charge of the destinies imagined. 

 

What we now call ‘Black Intellectualism’ is precisely the result of decades worth of push and pull between the forces of ideation, accountability and avoidance, morals and profits, transparency and opacity, and hope and cynicism. Despite its history of choked success over centuries, Black Intellectualism can work by holding black intellectuals accountable for what they proffer beyond their blackness solutions to humanity. This should result in interventions that liberate the self-image of blackness. 

 

To create real change and progress in the Black Intellectual universe, institutions charged with curating positive blackness through a self-standing thesis should prioritise outcomes that make a substantive difference, such as -identifying the templates of economic liberation - the templates of socioeconomic liberation - the nature, character, and form of social, political, and economic capital in the hands of black people. As far as possible, black intellectualism should be about the authenticity and sincerity of the thoughts black intellectuals invest their cognitive resources to make black livelihoods matter. Those who emerge as leaders of society brigades should always maintain a reasonable level of trust by society and partners beyond primary beneficiaries of Black Intellectualism. 

 

As a thesis in its own right and not a valorisation of what it is not, Black Intellectualism should morph from being etched in protest to being a tool used to sustain and validate the positivity inherent in black thoughts. 

 

Institutions of Black Leadership such as the Black Management Forum, Black Business Council, ABASA, NAFCOC, and AZAPO in its Black Consciousness mode only, and others should understand that what they proffer to society will always be the foundation of trust they will get in return. Achieving the actual value of beyond blackness socioeconomic transformation of (South) Africa requires that such institutions understand Africanness inside and out, accurately conceptualise the arc of change-making with the level of trust they are working with, and that they focus on solving the right problems.

 

While political movements and leaders have dealt with the colonialism of Africa and its adjuncts, such as Apartheid, the dimensions of Black Intellectualism that characterised that type of liberation have to date, not dislodged from the coloniality of inherited leadership and systems. In these systems resides the power to harness authentic, legitimate, and liberating Black Intellectualism to influence outcomes. Black intellectualism cannot ignore power because if it does not choose to act on power, the administration will always act and be exercised on it in some shape and form.

 

Where Black Intellectualism is in history and how it is harnessed to liberate black livelihoods wherever they exist organically would require well-considered coalitions. It would need; strategists to curate the comprehensiveness of outcomes; leaders of society brigades to craft the entire policy value chain; sponsors to provide resources and corporate legitimacy to the cause; system reformers to focus on improving capacities and human capital resources we have; node organisers to bring like-minded groups together into nodal substrates of influence; advocates that might include, with all the risks associated to it, politicians, to bring energy to the course; and educators who would take the responsibility to make the cause intergenerational. 

 

To support the democracies Black Intellectualism finds itself, it should endeavour to define a firmament of human rights. It should undergird this with the rule of law, where the law should be an outcome of intellectualism to the extent that it is indigenous. The Black Intellectual tradition should be about the obligation to respect, protect, promote, and fulfil the rights and responsibilities that come with being black. CUT!!!

 

Wa twaa!!

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