Skip to main content

South Africa will not embrace political empowerment parties; politics are organic.

This article was published on Business Day, 07 March 2024. It was headlined 'Those in power continually redefine the barriers to entry'

Rodger Jardine's Change Starts Now (CSN) decision to withdraw from the race echoes more of what will come. South Africa's political order has settled on being driven by political parties. Individuals as brands, funded and manufactured legacies, and overrated approvals by the economic establishment will, therefore, struggle to enter politics as easily as it was post-1994. Politics as a vocation in South Africa has a 30-year non-racial experience. This means those inside have by now started to define barriers to entry, and new entrants must have more than just funds to disturb the status quo.

 

Post 1994, South Africans entered an era of accelerated opportunity. Young people were appointed to positions of responsibility that few adults before them dreamt of occupying. Getting into higher positions of national influence was possible for those with requisite political and social capital, irrespective of experience. Some only had to be political activists on steroids to be considered. This influenced how people rose along the corporate ladder, overturning the tried and tested 'rise through the ranks' model of societal leadership ascendence. 

 

This trend was scaled onto the business environment, and the system manufactured instantaneous corporate leaders and millionaires. Justifiably, barriers to entering most public and private sector positions got lowered in the process. New corporate villages were being created, and many would be appointed into complex positions with certificates of attendance instead of competence. Others would be selected based on their proximity to political power, and some would be appointed because of their monetisable contacts list. The system manufactured more positional leaders than leaders in positions.

 

In such contexts, political influence and leadership can quickly become commodified. It is A condition that explains why it was and is still easy to capture the state through those elected and appointed.  The resolve to calibrate, instead of allowing an organic process, a multi-party system where a majority of minority parties prevail has created a broad-based-black-political-empowerment process that might face the catastrophic structural failures its economic counterpart went through. Interestingly, the funders of the political empowerment process hail from an ideological complex.

 

Those in power will continually redefine the barriers to entry. Since its inception, post-apartheid, South Africa has worked hard to establish a two-dominant party-political system. The 2016 and 2021 municipal elections outcomes made the possibility of ousting the governing ANC real and made the idea of coalition government attractive as a solution to neutralise ANC hegemony and majority party prowess. Motivational speakers accelerated corporate leaders, natural anti-establishment personalities, and persons from faith-based communities started aspiring to politics. With funding available, a cocktail of political parties was then set.

 

Unlike the EFF and MK, whose leaders rode on the back of an infrastructure they led before and were in neglect by parties they splintered from, these new political parties were more dependent on how they were branded than known to be fighting for the interest of voters. It would be more the brand personality of the party and the leaders that would make the magic than what is at stake in an election. The system culled them off because they don't have the depth the IEC has converted into numbers, and the empowerment process ends at them. The jury is out about who will ultimately be on the ballot paper and who will get the most eligible voters to the voting stations and vote for them. The lesson is that how we rise to prominence as individuals does not necessarily work in all contexts. Rodger Jardine and others like him can be more influential if they stick to what they can command to effect change. CUT!

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Farewell, Comrade Bra Squire, a larger-than-life figure in our memories: LITERALLY OR OTHERWISE

It’s not the reality of Cde Squire's passing that makes us feel this way. It is the lens we are going to use to get to grips with life without him that we should contend with. A literally larger-than-life individual who had one of the most stable and rarest internal loci of control has left us. The thief that death is has struck again.  Reading the notice with his picture on it made me feel like I could ask him, "O ya kae grootman, re sa go nyaka hierso." In that moment, I also heard him say, "My Bla, mfanakithi, comrade lucky, ere ko khutsa, mmele ga o sa kgona." The dialogue with him without him, and the solace of the private conversations we had, made me agree with his unfair expectation for me to say, vaya ncah my grootman.    The news of his passing brought to bear the truism that death shows us what is buried in us, the living. In his absence, his life will be known by those who never had the privilege of simply hearing him say 'heita bla' as...

Sergeant Nkosi might be a tip of the iceberg.

When the evidence leader and the commissioners at the Madlanga Commission were delayering Sergeant Nkosi's evidence, it became clear that the depth or state of capture was vast. In the late Minister Gordhan's parlance, the Nkosi testimony highlights critical insights into systemic corruption, making it highly relevant for policymakers and legal professionals concerned with governance.  It has been both a rumour and an "open secret" that "the industry" was in charge of several state organs and, by extension, procurement decisions. These rumours had pathways that passed through several figures but converged on some of the individuals mentioned by Sergeant Nkosi. The network included runners whose reach extended to persons of significant influence across political parties and within party factions.  The name of 'Mswazi' was legendary in crime circles. His influence extended beyond the underworld, impacting political power and economic control. Recognisi...

A Life of Laughter: A Tribute to Simon Mampana, “See” or “C Lebuka”

The interval between birth and death is brief, yet within it we can become sons and daughters, brothers and sisters, friends, classmates, and colleagues—and, through the lives we touch, shape a legacy. In his own interval, Simon Mampana—whom we knew affectionately as “See” or “C Lebuka”—became all these things and more. I first knew him as a classmate, the captain of our first softball team, and a school-break comedian of rare and unforgettable talent. We met at Tsako Thabo High School. Few who passed through its grounds could deny that Simon was their friend. We all knew him well, yet his warmth reached far beyond any single circle. He could be the quiet shadow beside you or the generous tree beneath which everyone gathered—to rest, to laugh and, sometimes, to climb. However, as See entered your life, he left something of himself behind. His passing matters because the way he lived among us reveals who he was, not only to his schoolmates, but to the wider Mamelodi community. As Simon ...