The schizoid ANC and the two paths it could take: The African National Congress must decide on its ethical trajectory
Published in the Sunday Times on 17 March 2024
In the middle of an
impressive record of decisiveness in implementing what the governing ANC called
renewal through weeding out characters responsible for putting its integrity
and standing into disrepute, two personalities of the ANC emerge. The pursuit
of integrity as a strategic and tactical terrain upon which its reputation as a
leader of society would be rescued from the battering it suffered because of
revelations at several judicial commissions of inquiry and reports of chapter
nine institutions is a personality which inspired hope in its renewal program.
On the other hand, the March 2024 NEC decision to submit a list of
parliamentary nominees inclusive of persons its self-created member integrity
management system recommended should step aside and those cited by several
inquiry reports as human nodes whose conduct is inconsistent with corruption
and state capture free post-fifth administration a Ramaphosa presidency
committed to.
Arguably, the nexus of
political life and a substrate of socio-political mores with which a new social
order could be anchored, choosing an anti-corruption path became a flagship
reputation-earning act by the ANC. In a world prioritising anti-corruption in
the public sector, these personalities create a schizophrenic duality that will
take generations to correct unless the eminent voter choice opportunity is
decisive about the national leadership it wants. The character slide from the
Nelson Mandela leadership cohort to the on-record compromised incumbents triggers
a set of consequential questions on the ethical trajectory the governing party
is taking or should be taking. Notwithstanding the political or otherwise
arguments to justify the NEC decision, the act cannot airbrush a truism that
the right reasons to continue wrongdoing do not yield correctness but normalise
wrongdoing.
South Africa is in a
social values leadership crisis. The habits of those in leadership, which
become society's values, are at variance with what the Constitution expects of
the type of leadership it assumed when it vested the Republic's legislative,
executive, and judicial authorities. Ramaphosa's admission that 'the ANC is
accused number one in the dock' on corruption matters might be confirmed by the
dwindling political will to bite the proverbial bullet in the interest of RSA. Concerning
ethical leadership, the ANC, as an institution of leadership, has reached a
point of no return. It is clear that in this election, it is asking for a
political mandate to be different. A different self which it might not be
committed to living. It is apparent that some people who might have landed it
where it has repeatedly said it does not want itself, hence renewal, will be
part of those who will bring the difference- an ethical conundrum of epic
proportions."
In his exit or handover
speech to President Thabo Mbeki at the ANC conference in Mafikeng, President
Mandela decried the encroaching corruption conduct and characterised it as the
risk to the moral high ground the ANC has amassed as its distinct social and
political capital. These capital forms have recently been used to liquidate the
moral basis of the Israeli occupation of Palestine and call the war in Gaza a
genocide. Since the Mandela warning, the ANC has accelerated itself as a
political party contesting for political power and an organisation
progressively prioritising the political or otherwise interests of the
political elite and economic establishment. The foregrounding of elite
interests instead of delivering on the liberation promise generated breeds of
conduct only a judicial commission of inquiry could handle.
Unless there is evidence
to the contrary, what we are now experiencing is an anti-corruption Ramaphosa
sixth administration, which is in a conundrum of choosing between acquiescing
to the demands for ethical leadership by society and the historical moment or
risk losing the support of inside-the-ANC personalities that have kept his
fragile political life afloat since the historic marginal win of 2017 in
NASREC. The political party funding flows towards parties that 'should step in
and weaken' the ANC's majority status, which is a moneyed vote of no confidence
and a desperate thirst for an alternative to the settling unethical architecture
is real. President Ramaphosa's handling of the in-ANC campaign funding, the
CR17 files, and the PhalaPhala foreign currency matter has compromised his
person to lead any anti-corruption drive. The reversal of his reported
resignation from office in 2022 put him on a path where his political survival
became more important than the path he had chosen for South Africa.
The result of a
compromised Ramaphosa-led anti-corruption drive is leadership created by buying
branches influence that in-governing party politics. With a potential of about
four thousand ward-based branches, fifty-two regional structures, nine provincial
executive committees, and an eighty-member NEC, purchasing the soul of the ANC
is a less than one-billion-dollar affair. The sealed CR17 files confirm it is
on sale and that merchandising it is its reputational risk, albeit rewarding.
The MK Party dynamic and emerging confidence within the judiciary to blow the
whistle of perceived judicial overreach into politics, especially the recent
impeachments and the questionable arrest for contempt of a civil court, are all
tangential to the inconsistencies in how we define malfeasance, corruption,
state capture, and state captures.
The opposition horizon is not inspiring hope. The MK Party-EFF ideological complex might not be able to be a new creature of politics. It will be a version of ANCness and, thus, the same species with different outer cuticles. The rest of the anything but the ANC opposition complex is not free of malfeasance where they govern. The political leadership crisis is more profound than we appreciate.
The question is, what
are the options for South Africa? Firstly, the country needs fresh leadership
and not necessarily a new governing party. This might be through voter reaction
to the NEC or in-ANC decision after the elections, including if it would have
gotten the 50% threshold to call a National General Council to deal with
corruption decisively. Secondly, a government of national unity option should
be considered if a coalition emerges out of the elections.
Coalition partners should constitute a judicial panel to facilitate the
decisive implementation of the Zondo and other commission reports. This will
take the country into a post-state capture mindset. Thirdly, an economic
transformation CODESA will be convened to craft a social compact undergirded by
financial commitments, including the emotive National Grievance on land
restitution. Fourthly, a dispensation that recognises the regional rigidities
of South Africa should be considered, which might include introducing firm
federal-state features into the Constitution. Political parties are already in
that mode; the ANC is, by the way, leading the federating South African
politics charge. CUT!!!
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