The National Dialogue...

South Africans are on the brink of a pivotal event: the commencement of a National Dialogue. This process, set to begin in a few months, is a momentous occasion in RSA history, thirty years after the negotiations that led to the 1994 democratic breakthrough. The urgency of this dialogue is underscored by the current political landscape, where national unity is once again a pressing issue following the 2024 elections. 

More than just about national unity, the dialogue is marketed as a platform to forge a social compact, address what might not have been resolved by the CODESA settlement, and resolve economic justice concerns threatening the reigning constitutional order. The stability and continuity of the democratic order are at stake. The depth of discontent about economic inequality, persistent economic participation blocking templates of dominance, and the unjust economic value chain realities of South Africa are expected to dominate the focus of the dialogue, offering hope for a more just economic future. 

The brute and inconvenient truth is that thirty years of successful political inclusion could not change systemic economic exclusion, which is a reality. Economic exclusion, a term that refers to the systematic barriers that prevent certain groups from fully participating in the economy, has entrenched itself into several areas of RSA life, notably the cost-prohibitive access to justice. The foundational Roman-Dutch Law, South Africa's common law, defines power relations perpetuating the originative colonial intents of the law. This still marginalises the majority of 'we the people.' Economic exclusion has made sections of society represent the ugly face of RSA's tormented past. 

The outcomes of the 2024 elections have underscored significant national challenges, necessitating decisive and inclusive leadership decisions. The primary goal of the dialogue should not be the revision of the constitutional order but the establishment of a new economic order. This new economic order, aligned with the Constitution's promise of social justice, envisions a more equitable distribution of wealth and opportunities. It is a shared responsibility we must all uphold. While the rule of law is a means to execute an economic transformation program lawfully, the Constitution's liberation promise is a driving force for realizing economic justice. 

The reality of the market demographics is reshaping the purchasing power templates against those of economic dominance. The potential for a shift in economic power relations is a beacon of hope. As in other periods of market dynamics, this potential change has once again spurred the private sector to advocate for a social compact. The battle to sustain the current economic power relations has only just begun, but the potential for change is tangible. Economic governance is the new prize of politics and is within reach. 

These circumstances happen when the arc of history is bending towards rightward economic thinking. The influence of the liberal order over RSA politics has significantly increased, even on parties with leftist rhetoric. Welfarist policies continue to be mistaken for leftist thinking when the factors of production relations and value chains are still etched in the right. To be clear, the Liberal Establishment is not pursuing a National Dialogue to provoke the fracturing of the templates of dominance. It is doing so to protect the templates of the Liberal Order. In this order, economic transformation will trickle down as it tags along. The post-Polokwane period, now called the nine wasted years, has awoken the Establishment of the risks of letting its ideological guard down. 

Since the full-scale ideological drive to institute a radical economic transformation program through the economy's commanding heights, acutely SOEs, the economic Establishment has responded with a massive party and in-ANC individual funding to defend the order it prefers. With the benefit of state capture and corruption having been an unfortunate feature of radical economic transformation proponents, the support to defend the Liberal Order within an anti-corruption and state capture context made a significant difference in the unfolding ideological war. 

As the radical economic transformation (RET) brigades were fighting an ideological battle, many in their fold were breaking the law in pursuit of the trough, and the moral high ground of their transformation agenda became an easy target to defend the status quo. The Establishment's power to unravel and destroy the RET complex and institutional left was displayed in how it was taken down through a versatile mix of exposure and social outrage at their agenda. The grammar of journalistic investigations carried the vocabulary of regime, governing party, and individual leader change as the dominant theme of what constitutes true democracy.

With momentum now favouring a rule-of-law-based democratic order and a reform-driven change process, there is a new context where no absolute majority has to do more to save the constitutional order. To this end, the National Dialogue might be obligated to agree that the 7th Administration, now a grand coalition or government of national unity, coordinates an economic recovery plan that must underpin the stability of the democratic order. 

One aspect of the dialogue that deserves more attention is the necessity for a private sector commitment to invest in the productive sectors of the economy. A manufacturing boom should be the most crucial target to demonstrate the sincerity of private sector investment. With the executive, legislative, and judicial authority of the Republic of South Africa defined in its Constitution, the National Dialogue would have failed in its duty if it did not resolve where the economic authority of the Republic vests. At worst, the dialogue must articulate the attributes of the economic authority or its institutional locus. CUT!!!