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FURTHER TO THE DE KLERK TRIBUTE: ANSWERING QUESTIONS

In response to the FW de Klerk Tribute on the Thinc Blog, I asked a question about the reverence for Mr De Klerk that permeates it. I engaged openly on this matter. I wrote then, why the reverence. It would be interesting to hear other views about De Klerk’s contribution to Black people and democratic South Africa in general. Let’s engage.

THIS WAS AND IS MY ANSWER: FROM PRESIDENT TO FW TO MENEER

At the onset of his career, Post-Apartheid South Africa's first Deputy President, under President Nelson Mandela, Mr FW de Klerk, was not an ordinary bystander, but a senior operative in the consolidation of Apartheid as an ideology to institutionalise 'whiteness' or 'white supremacy' in South Africa.

His National Party royalty background, including going through the ranks of secret societies and cultural institutions, landed and/or rewarded him with the highest political office in the country, the President of the Republic of South Africa. A position no ordinary person ascends to.

He was a convergence point through which the executive authority of the state, which vested in him, and all other authorities, including that of private capital, were used to establish the economic duality we are in. A duality of an economy of poor people, mainly black in general and BaNtu in particular, and well-resourced people, mainly non-black.

In the context of his being President of Apartheid South Africa, there is very little. In the eyes of black people, what he contributed to Black People could be recorded, although it is still arguable when compared to times apartheid was formally off the statutes. In fact, more about what he contributed to entrench a system that was declared a crime against humanity could, and still, depending on the choices of the historian and truth, be attached to his name.

However, it is what he did, after what he refers to as his conversion, later in his career, that has started a series, if not a domino of events, that led to present-day Democratic South Africa, which defines him differently or better than he was in the history of South Africa.

Indeed, his famous and historic February 2, 1990, speech was also occasioned by the pressure from the ANC-led Mass Democratic Movement and the Global pressure to change apartheid in South Africa. This argument cannot be faulted, but it cannot stand as the only thesis for or about why the speech was made. If diversity of opinion is a condition of politics, then our politics must accept that some might interpret the speech as a 'strategic move'. Only history will attest to who was ready for war at the negotiating table. Emerging evidence is revealing interesting trends.

It is however also true that amongst Apartheid South Africa's leaders, he stands out as the one that had the appropriate courage and timing to act on; the truthfulness of his conversion; the pressure that the MDM put on his government; the global pressure for him to change; and most importantly, the pressure that South Africa's posterity convicted him and a coterie of NP leaders that included 'comrades Roelf Meyer, Gert Oosthuizen and many other NP-to-ANC converted comrades that secures him the space history has unapologetically abrogated to him.

In his response to all of the above, he set in motion a historical process that required a rare breed of leadership, given the stakes and odds at play in South Africa and around the world. Together with Mandela, the represented constituencies were at different temperature levels regarding their expectations of the process. To others, it was a victory march within a process that might have hollowed out the essence of the very victory. To others, it was a process of despair that might have had victories beyond their purview, and yet it was a victory for posterity rather than incumbents. This defines him and Mandela to a degree that the Nobel Committee confirmed with a Peace Prize.

The contribution of Mr de Klerk to South Africa, as he has always wanted it to be known, is enshrined in the Constitution that Presidents Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki, Kgalema Motlanthe, Jacob Zuma and Cyril Ramaphosa have taken an Oath of Office to protect and defend. These oaths were taken on behalf of the mandate South Africans gave them in a national election, after members of the ANC, in good standing, had selected them as the face of what the ANC represents. This means that what he considers his contribution is, and still is, cherished by the liberation movement; in fact, there is a resolution to adopt a Constitution that contains elements of his February 2, 1990, speech.

His contribution, as part of the bouquet that many other leaders of his generation who negotiated our political settlement and accord, includes therefore, the enablement that the Constitution of South Africa has made for me, and all of us, to enjoy the inalienable right to determine, as we have given him the November 1 showstopper, who has the legitimacy to govern based on our will as South Africans. The people shall govern has found expression in what he contributed to founding, as he lawfully ended what inhibited it. 

Out of that enablement emerged other good and bad actions, interactions, and transactions between and amongst us as South Africans to advance what the Constitution has in store for us. Some amongst us, including in this group, find the Constitution a constraint on the trajectory of development their expectations have defined, whilst others, like me, believe that the 'dream has been delivered' by the Constitution; some amongst us might have 'deferred' it.

On the strength of the above, and many other benefits that came of his decisions, and out of the February 2, 1990, speech, former Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa, Mr de Klerk, has earned a place in our nation's history that no amount of denialism will remove. Yes, in earning that place, like many historical figures, he has trampled on many, and for that, he apologised.

Thank you, Bohani, for the opportunity to engage without the clichés often thrown onto what should be enriching for all of us. I hope I have not disappointed.

By the way, the question was asked by Bohani Shivambu, who also wrote for the Thinc Blog. 

Ndzi hlamurhile


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