ISSUES ABOUT THE MAJORITY OF MINORITIES: THINC REFLECTIONS (always press refresh to see all paragraphs)

   The South African liberation movement complex, historically led by the African National Congress (ANC), and the opposition complex which is clearly bankrolled by the economic establishment of South Africa anchored by an extractive capitalist class committed to protecting current privileges bequeathed to them by a history of dispossession, are embroiled in a political contest that might prove to be enduring. 

Fears of what the contest might do to ordinary South Africans, as the momentum of the contest seems to be in favour of the opposition complex that is on a trajectory of government by a seats allocation criteria based 'majority of minorities', are starting to surface. In the past 14 years, in fact,  since the 'Polokwane pustch', a highly funded, cognitively resourced, and mega media systems backed consensus in cognitive elite and economic establishment circles has shifted decisively in favour of a more confrontational posture towards in-ANC supporters of 'radical economic transformation' as a policy posture of the ANC and by extension government.

This confrontation reached its peak during, and beyond, 'the nine wasted years'. The patterns of party political funding, in the glare of the public as legislation required, sealed in court order directed processes, and/or continuing through sophisticated means that survive disclosure requirements, all indicated in 2016, 2019 and 2021 that the liberation movement complex has decisively become 'a tribe marked for death for some unknown and undefined nation to thrive'. Out of statements by captains of industry, including new non-white entrants, the 'radical economic transformation' in-ANC 'majority voices' have become the single largest political interest group capable of combining its political capital and access to state power, diplomatic, military, and state procurement power to mount a sustained campaign to fracture all templates of economic and socio-economic dominance obtaining in South Africa and the developing world in general. 

Whilst many a political commentator and analysts, including the academic-media complex argued that the rise of corruption and state capture activities by a post-Polokwane leadership of the liberation movement complex has attracted this 'onslaught', and, in fact, gave it moral legitimacy, they have not allowed any debate of the correctness or otherwise of a need for 'radical economic transformation' or 'recalibration of templates undergirding this economy' to make the liberation promise realisable to all. A lost opportunity whose impact might devalue such voices when society needs them.

The ANC's commitment to its CODESA accord with whomever was on the 'other side', which seems to have been an albatross in its ability to live up to the expectations of 'liberation rhetoric outcomes' it propagated pre and some post the political settlement, has now limited its ability to be true to its known and historical character. Its trusted intellectuals and intelligentsia have adopted Orwellian postures to policies that they contributed towards their development, because, and seemingly so, it might be difficult to agree that 'no animal should sleep on bed', when you are already sleeping on bed, but easy to advocate the issue of 'with or without sheets', 'chickens sleeping with hungry Wolves contexts' . 

The political settlement compromise posture remains one of the greatest innovations the liberation movement complex has devised to take South Africa out of the 'civil strive' path it was entering, it might be elements of the compromise on economic transformation that might make all good to implode as the arrogance and stubbornness of a new non-racial capitalist elite anchored by a cognitive judicial elite rises commensurate with a opposition complex's growing confidence at the solution of plunging the country into a democracy based on a 'majority of minorities' even when the majority won. 

As much as the manufactured consensus has relegated the moral legitimacy of 'radical economic transformation' to a 'euphemism for stealing' and thus put its protagonists on trial in judicial commissions and criminal courts, so have many who believed in its promise, outside the 'involvement-in-corruption' mess made by its champions, developed a consensus that 'anti-radical economic transformation' is a betrayal by the liberation movement and more acutely its elites. The dangerous outcome of the hardening attitudes of the marginalised, as manifest in their disinterestedness in voting as a game changer, might be a settling of new conventions about the national economy as an asset of all, and shocks of a society destroying its economic infrastructure like those we saw in the aftermath of a Zuma arrest might be a new normal. As society continues to see victories of the economic establishment through the proxy of a 

'majority of minorities' victorious opposition complex take over of government, as being equivalent to their continued marginalisation in the economy of 'their country' and thus the poverty, unemployment and oppression they are experiencing, so will the legitimacy of South Africa as a democracy decimate.

The absence of a strong state through the creation of a strong army, a much more law and order driven policing dispensation, tougher implementation of immigration laws by civil society, and a deliberate monitoring of porous borders should be an embarrassment if the number of unemployed youth is factored thereto. As for the inequality that has created more envy to those that are successful than appreciation of what an economy can do to reward hardworking individuals, the obtaining situation will propel a 'gangster state' much more violent than the already misdiagnosed one, as we saw in how the Ford multi billion investment near Mamelodi has created a 'gangster controlled procurement system' within the project. We might breed more John Wicks in the political economy, question is who will then be candidates of the new John Wickism.

A better understanding of what is actually unfolding in South Africa might be a pathway that should be funded. The Mandela cohort of leaders is bidding us a literal goodbye, they are dying, as the Mbeki and Zuma cohort has thus far bequeathed us a divided liberation movement complex, when its unity is what this country needs more than triumphant 'majorities of minorities' who know that where they are celebrating to have won, wards were won by an excluded 'majority of one', experienced in making what they despise ungovernable. This situation will continue into 2024, of which in such a case National Government might not be in the hands of the ANC. This will make it easier to mount a new and real revolution to undo what others call 'the CODESA mess'. Black middle class discontent about the CODESA settlement is a 'dinner table and braai sessions' discussion choked by respect of brand ANC, more than real wishes. As we will soon realise, it will no longer  be difficult to see who is a problem when there is no water in Hammanskraal, garbage is not collected in Mamelodi, lights are out in Soweto for more than three months, and there are no 'economic opportunities' out of  Ekhurhuleni metro, this will be common in all 'lost' municipal governments. 

With the new ANC conference will come a renewed campaign to be decisive on the economy, immigration, unemployment, land restitution, and persecution of Apartheid crimes. Energy security, in-country logistics stability and certainty, water security, and food sovereignty will feature as programs to be pursued without due regard on what the private of the land may be thinking. The 2022 conference of the ANC will either mark the end or beginning of its relevance beyond 2024. The warring factions are consolidating around a program not to lose political power, and that can only happen through the consolidation of an agenda whose legitimacy may require a much more deliberate anti-corruption drive by those 'dubbed' corrupt. South Africa, fasten you seatbelts or reduce speed to where you think its utopia. CUT!!!

🤷🏽‍♂️A ndzi ye xivukweni shem bakithi 

🤷🏽‍♂️Ndzi voni leswi, ndzi tsala ke