Skip to main content

DA is signalling a barbecue of SA's sovereignty.

THIS IS THE UNEDITED VERSION OF AN ARTICLE THAT APPEARED IN THE SUNDAY TIMES OF 12 MAY 2024, page 17. 

The sight of a post-apartheid South African flag burning in your lounge through a national news agency should have evoked emotions of disdain and insult in a state that has a nation.  A national flag is a single symbol that combines the wholeness of a nation, whence its hoisting is never without the nation's praise song, the national anthem. The price of politics is not only the government but also the privilege to become an organ of the state as a person, thus acting in its interest all the time. 

Of all the virtues expected from those who choose politics as a vocation, patriotism or the feeling of love, devotion, and a sense of attachment to a country or state should be cardinal. While it is a fact that the 1994 democratic breakthrough was the departure point towards healing the divisions of the past and establishing a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights, it is also true that the patriotism we are or have built is more constitutional than national.  


Our racial discrimination or apartheid policy-induced tormented past, which institutionalised our non-nation form and character, has created political attachments instead of being a nation. We are defined, or centred, on a constitutional order's norms, values, and procedures. In the absence of blood and faith defining our nationhood, the founders of the political order were wise enough to work on the truism that people can be brought together by loyalty to a constitution. 


We are patriots because the Constitution defines us; we have a flag to be identifiable amongst others but are not inside the flag. Similarly, as we burn public amenities at the slightest provocation, we are ready to fight on the side of anyone against our South Africans. It is fashionable to defend or give a better life to non-nationals than to see our nationals thriving in post-apartheid South Africa. The near absence of national interest sensitivity in how we relate to our sovereignty can only manifest in a party funded by the economic establishment burning the RSA flag without condemnation from them. 


Save for the threat of losing the Islam vote in the Western Cape and in constituencies where the culture is dominant, the DA's posture on the genocide in Gaza is not dissimilar to how it reacted in Phoenix. The growing roasting of the ICC and its judges as individuals is a precursor of how South Africa might be handled once the US Senate enacts the Bill on the renewal of relations with RSA. Burning the flag might be the illumination of the lighthouse to indicate where the node of the battle against our South Africans could be hosted and hoisted. In burning the RSA flag, the DA is signalling an oncoming barbecue of our sovereignty, and they might be announcing their readiness to serve as interns. 


Not only is the Constitution demanding a value system etched on human dignity, equality, human rights, the rule of law, and the supremacy of the Constitution, but also equality and freedom. The hegemonic force of these principles has liquidated political excuses to be racist under new guises. Cliches that feed on the sentiments of apartheid beneficiaries dislodged by a non-racial future have been growing commensurate with perceptions of loss of political power and influence. 


Potentially the reason why former President Mbeki called for a national dialogue after the elections, the burning of the South African flag is a manifestation of a sense of loss, a hunger for oppressive stability, and the difficulty of accepting black majority rule within the DA's cognitive legal or otherwise clientele. The burning flag is, at best, a political rant displaying a vocabulary of trauma, which creates in society a patriotism of despair. With the space our democratic order gives to maverick politicians and the carelessness most of them use this space for, parties tend to enjoy feeding society the psychological benefits of irrational beliefs at no cost to themselves. Still, to the social cohesion we all agree South Africa has to work towards. 


It is an indictment of the country's democratic order; its people and heritage are not the pride of all political parties. It is equally treasonous to be hostile to national symbols. The desecration of nation symbols is equivalent to declaring war on what defines the basis of being South African. It becomes worse when such an act is done to access public or political power through an election. The DA act is unpatriotic because it is not seen in their country, and its most representative symbol is a sacred artefact defining our collective, unshakable and singular commitment. Ideologically, it describes the outside as all of us who see ourselves intertwined with the destiny of being South African. 


If it is true that whenever people or organisations make decisions, they do so in light of a particular choice of architecture, understood as the background against which they choose, the question will always linger in the national psyche: what informed the courage to burn the flag as a sign of loving the nation. First, it was fighting back, then it was calling people who shot and maimed about three hundred people heroes, and now it is 'unite and rescue South Africa'. In the three themes, the common thread is fear of some danger that requires being fought back, heroes like the ones in Phoenix, and brigades to rescue South Africa from parties that collectively represent what was at some point in history characterised within the rubric of 'Swaart en rooi Gevaar'. Like the Phoenix debacle, the DA should apologise and withdraw the advert.


The greatest prize in manipulating voter ignorance about national symbols protection in a state that does not have a nation but is caught in a vortex of constitutional patriotism is that it can insult both the sovereignty and dignity of being South African. All political parties, including the governing party, must know that if they care about us, they must promote our nationhood above all else. CUT!!!

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The revolution can't breathe; it is incomplete.

Only some political revolutions get to be completed. Because all revolutions end up with a settlement by elites and incumbents, they have become an outcome of historical moment-defined interests and less about the actual revolution. This settlement often involves a power-sharing agreement among the ruling elites and the incumbent government, which may not fully address the revolutionary goals. When the new power relations change, the new shape they take almost always comes with new challenges. As the quest for political power surpasses that of pursuing social and economic justice, alliances formed on the principles of a national revolution suffocate.    The ANC-led tripartite alliance's National Democratic Revolution is incomplete. The transfer of the totality of the power it sought to achieve still needs to be completed. While political power is arguably transferred, the checks and balances which the settlement has entrenched in the constitutional order have made the transfer...

The Ngcaweni and Mathebula conversation. On criticism as Love and disagreeing respectfully.

Busani Ngcaweni wrote about criticism and Love as a rendition to comrades and Comrades. His rendition triggered a rejoinder amplification of its validity by introducing  a dimension of disagreeing respectfully. This is a developing conversation and could trigger other rejoinders. The decision to think about issues is an event. Thinking is a process in a continuum of idea generation. Enjoy our first grins and bites; see our teeth. Busani Ngcaweni writes,   I have realised that criticism is neither hatred, dislike, embarrassment, nor disapproval. Instead, it is an expression of Love, hope, and elevated expectation—hope that others can surpass our own limitations and expectation that humanity might achieve greater heights through others.   It is often through others that we project what we aspire to refine and overcome. When I criticise you, I do not declare my superiority but believe you can exceed my efforts and improve.   Thus, when we engage in critici...

The ANC succession era begins.

  The journey towards the 16th of December 2027 ANC National Elective Conference begins in December 2024 at the four influential regions of Limpopo Province. With a 74% outcome at the 2024 National and Provincial elections, which might have arguably saved the ANC from garnering the 40% saving grace outcome, Limpopo is poised to dictate the cadence of who ultimately succeeds Cyril Ramaphosa, the outgoing ANC President.  The ANC faces one of its existential resilience-defining sub-national conferences since announcing its inarguably illusive and ambitious renewal programme. Never has it faced a conference with weakened national voter support, an emboldened opposition complex that now has a potential alternative to itself in the MK Party-led progressive caucus and an ascending substrate of the liberal order defending influential leaders within its ranks. The ideological contest between the left and right within the ANC threatens the disintegration of its electora...