This was published in TimesLive on 10th June 2024.
The 2024 National and Provincial elections, a pivotal moment in South African politics, have concluded. The process of forming a government is now in motion and hinges on the configurations of coalitions and the confidence-in-supply arrangements. In their collective wisdom, the voters have set the course of our political landscape. A National Assembly, its members yet to be sworn in, is now a reality. The voters have sent a clear message to the politicians, urging them to prioritize the interests of South Africa over their own party affiliations.
As per the voters'
mandate, in 2024, South Africa will be a nation that operates within the
framework of its constitution. It does not require an absolute majority to
prosper. It needs leadership that upholds the country's
Constitution as the supreme law. We have just witnessed in RSA that no
government can assert authority unless it is founded on the people's will.
The people's will is gauged through their votes and nothing else. While the system can still allow tribal formations to emerge as absolute majorities, its design is such that when the tribes become a hindrance to the nation's prosperity, it is empowered to dismantle the dominance of the tribe and realign the mandate back into the hands of the nation, as it has currently demonstrated.
In this electoral cycle,
the voters have made their demands clear. They are calling for leadership that
can heal the wounds of the past and solidify a society built on democratic
values, social justice, human dignity, equality, and the advancement of human
rights and freedoms. The voters advocate for creating a
non-racial, non-sexist, united, and democratic society. Their call is for improving the quality of life for all citizens and unlocking each
individual's potential, including addressing issues such as unemployment and
poverty reduction.
Because voters have not
given any parties an absolute majority to be in charge of the state, the voices
of those who made it to have a seat in a 400-member National Assembly must be
proportionally heard. It is now the sacred duty of the freely elected public
representatives in the democratic order or system to respect, protect, promote,
and fulfil the people's will. We are in a classic government of, by, and for
the people mode without any single political interest being absolute over the
rest. Notwithstanding truisms of freely elected representatives being
vulnerable or beholden to funded or otherwise interests, South Africa's minimum
standard is the Bill of Rights, which the Constitution declares is the
cornerstone of our democracy.
To execute their
mandates, South Africa has established a framework of authorities to be applied
according to the people's will. When the gazetted representatives assume their
role of being about our will, they are sworn into a chamber with the
legislative authority of the Republic. This is the primary reception of public
representation; it is the ultimate chamber to impose the people's will. It is
the ultimate in the entirety of the public accountability ecosystem. The head
of state into whom the executive authority of the state vests can only be
elected by the National Assembly, and only after that can s/he constitute a
national executive he would exercise the authority with.
The adjudicative or
judicial authority of the Republic, which vests in the courts, notwithstanding
its independence, is operationally constituted at its high court, appellate,
and ultimate constitutional court through the accountability ecosystems established
by free elected public representatives acting in the National Assembly. The
outcome, process, and certification of RSA's electoral system is a five-year
activity whose execution sets up scaffolds for our political, democratic,
constitutional, and democratic order, which stands upon stability and
resilience.
The political firmament
under which our freely elected public representatives should operate is what
the theatrics, and somewhat circuses, political parties which control
measurable influence in the National Assembly are busy with. Their theatrics
are, and arguably, a function of interests that are the currency of politics. With
success in establishing a global economic order came the establishment of the
economic authority of sovereign states managed by nodal institutions, private
sector enterprises, commercial aristocracies, and global trade-switching
architectures capable of trumping, if not usurping, the will of the people to
the extent that it is repugnant to it. This authority has been phonographic in
South Africa in dictating public policy, regime construction, and
cadence.
The binaries of race,
class, and state intervention have, for the past thirty years, been
foregrounded to keep South Africa as a nation-state without a nation. South
Africa does not have a nationalist imagination of itself, save when talented
citizens and not national interests create the rituals that create an
opportunity to embrace the nation-state flag all can live and die for. A
classic exposition of this context is the periodic display of the old divisive
and racial order representing the flag and the burning of the current flag to
make a political point, however legitimate.
Out of the 2024 national
and provincial elections, South Africa saw for the first time a consolidated
African Nationalism mandate through the strands of its understanding by
political parties that split from the 1912 defined African National Congress
movement. As a firmament, this is consolidated. Manifestos of the political
parties in the firmament have commonalities. Only a responsible cognitive
institutional framework can thread into a national resolve by collapsing the
various political parties into one. In a democracy driven by reliance on logic,
evidence, research, and deliberate national interest-driven think tanking,
those commanding financial resources would fund the consolidation of emerging
nationalism as a core substrate of a thriving nation.
South Africa has been in
this condition before. The rise of white nationalism after thirty years of the
establishment of the Union of South Africa was on the back of demands to
participate in the economic authority of the then country. Monopoly capital was
the animating force to create a national socialist racial order called
apartheid on the back of a concretising Afrikaner Nationalism. When RSA became
a Republic in 1961, the triumph of a narrowly defined sovereign nation started
manifesting itself as a racial oligarchy whose continued existence represented
a crime against humanity.
The striking similarity between
the rise of nationalism and the current 64% proven African Nationalism is that a
majority ethno-nationalist cohort within the dominant political party drove
both. The difference, though, is that the emerging nationalism resonates at two
levels; it is flashed to the highest number of people through the passion those
opposed to it want to make it rejected; at another level, it has become an
individualised expression of affiliation and identity in an otherwise
nation-state looking for its nationals. Like in the period between 1930 and
1948, the soft power of Afrikaner ethnic nationalism was responded to with the
sharp power (which pierced, penetrated or attempted to perforate the political
economy environment, propelling a nationalistic revival of the economically
excluded with ethno-numerical power) the general response to the current period
equivalent defines the state of the nation-state.
None will argue that the
process to build the second Republic has found traction, whether you call it a
national dialogue, a consolidated 64% African Nationalist voter mandate,
matters arising from the July 2021 insurrection, or the final phase of the national
democratic revolution, it is now a reality and currency of 7th administration
politics. This is an animating force defining the state of the nation-state
that is searching for its nation-self. CUT!!
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