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The ANC's Survival: A Battle Against the MK Party Onslaught...just...thinking

The inconvenient rise of the MK Party, a political entity that has emerged as an alternative to the ANC's liberation movement's agenda, is upending the political landscape of South Africa. The global liberal order, which has been working hard to absorb the ANC's cognitive elite and neutralise its flirting with leftist ideology and rhetoric, has reached its investment cashing-in moment. The plan, which might currently be at risk, has always been to capture the ANC brand and its valuable political capital 'We liberated South Africa' character.  


Save for the governing party-related challenges of service delivery, the accumulated political and social capital is at the risk of being hollowed out by the political heist of the famous Mandela quote when uMkhonto we Sizwe, the military wing of the ANC was established in 1961; "The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices – submit or fight". The MK Party has neatly branded itself as the custodian of the quote for what it might mean today. The presentation of corruption and state capture battered brand ANC as a sellout proposition in a society with pornographic inequalities makes it difficult for the ANC to fight the onslaught on its brand without capitulating to the MK Party rhetoric. 


Having masterminded the political accord which produced the basic structure of the South African Constitution and the principles to which the constitutionality of laws is subjected, the ANC's obligation to national unity drives change and stability as twin opposites. The commitments it chiselled into the preamble and Chapters 1 and 2 of the South African Constitution make it the most obligated to defend the constitutional order as a national interest matter. Threading the democratic order into a beacon of political stability has become synonymous with the basis of being ANC, not as a brand issue but as a form and character value proposition. 


To this end, at the inception of the democratic order, the ANC embraced, amongst others, the open society model of democracy. It elevated the rule of law, the supremacy of the Constitution, and the fulfilment of a Bill of Rights by all juristic persons in RSA as the cornerstones of the democratic order. The institutionalisation of multiparty democracy and the checks and balances to neutralise the potential of majority rule being weaponisable against the proverbial 'we the people' is a feature of the democratic order associated with the ANC's heritage. As a result, and inarguably without the ANC's conscious permission, majority rule has become an anathema to the objectives of the global liberal order, and the ANC has become a reluctant partner. The character of the foreign direct investment the RSA economy is calibrated to attract is inextricably linked to the prevailing constitutional order. 


To political coalitions and parties that have modelled themselves as modern-day activists opposed to political systems they characterise as broken and with economies that reward only the wealthiest, the predicament of the ANC's obligations to the constitutional order is political and social capital. The missed opportunity to use state power and the then abundance of moral legitimacy to fracture the templates of economic domination and social control might have positioned aspects of ANCness to the system. Some can be mobilised to be anti-it. 


The livelihood fragility of South Africans, the majority of whom are black and African in particular, has made it easy for a political formation like the MK Party to gain traction and support. The currency of politics, over and above the interests of those who lead the MK Party,  is the discontentment in society associated with high unemployment, poverty, and, ultimately, inequality. As the bond between 'we the people' as voters and our 'freely elected representatives' was disintegrating and loosening the perception that the ANC had become a political party that serves a narrow elite of career politicians and insider interests concretised around rhetoric such as 'it is a Ramaphosa ANC and aysafani.


Saving the ANC from this onslaught begins with recognising economics as the fundamental animating force behind its vulnerability. Unseen from far, when Jacob Zuma's MK Party launched the onslaught, it blew apart the elite consensus of trickle-down economics with a mix of radical economic transformation, economic freedom in our lifetime, cultural revolution, and an 'I am a victim of the system and establishment. As the ANC's stand on economic issues was becoming indistinguishable from the DA-led status quo defending the opposition complex, the opportunity for a new and pro-Black, African in particular, opposition complex got foregrounded. The steady mandate drift from a liberation movement still in the process of struggle to transfer economic power to a pro-market modern political party, which was not driven by a simultaneous broader in-party consensus, created a fertile ground for the MK Party to be birthed from within the ANC. 


The championing of austerity measures, shrinking the public service through the miscategorisation of human organs of state as system overheads, deregulation of the market in the wake of robust and subsidised global powers trade, and the stage-managed privatisation of the commanding heights of the economy has castrated the organ of stateness required of state-owned entities in a developing economy. The commodification of in-party voters, which facilitated the takeover of politics by deep-pocketed business interests, has made political party funders the new policy-economic elites. Saving the ANC might well include allowing it to die unless the incumbents embrace the need for mid-term correction. CUT!!!

Comments

  1. The rise of the MK Party, positioned as a radical alternative to the ANC, requires a nuanced understanding of South Africa's political landscape. While the MK Party appeals to disillusioned segments of society, portraying this challenge as an existential threat to the ANC oversimplifies the situation. The ANC’s commitment to constitutionalism, rule of law, and democratic governance remains central to its identity, and the MK Party’s populist rhetoric may lack long-term viability.

    The claim that the ANC has capitulated to global liberal interests overlooks the complex socioeconomic challenges shaped by colonialism, apartheid, and globalisation. The ANC has continued to push initiatives like land reform and black economic empowerment, despite criticisms. Meanwhile, the MK Party’s promises of immediate transformation may lack the institutional depth needed for sustainable change.

    Rather than suggesting the ANC’s demise, the party’s deep roots and historical role suggest it is capable of renewal. By returning to its core values of mass mobilisation, economic justice, and democratic governance, the ANC can transform and adapt to modern challenges. Renewal requires internal reforms, principled leadership, and re-engagement with grassroots support. In this evolving landscape, the ANC can still play a pivotal role while navigating both local and global complexities.

    roymsiza76@gmail.com

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  2. I agree with Roy entirely but also wanna Doc you give MK too much credit.Their rise had nothing to do with socio economic and global political situation you aver.It all had to do with Zuma,history of Natal politics and fall out from state capture.The forces of state capture who are desperate for protection and livelihood sponsored the idea of capitalising on Zuma grievance and the pool he has in a province that has long history of political vascilation depending on who a strong Zulu 'leader' of the moment was.With Shenge's demise,Zuma's stock rose even further,hence the results.This is apart from the shambolic ANC leadership we have in that province esp it seemed to undermine the Monarchy with all the misgivings we have about it.

    MK is a flash in a pan and like others who came before it, it will disappear lije vapournin the sun.This especially so because it hangs on Zuma, a man of an advanced age.They dont have clesr political identity, have become a refuge for state capture outcasts and the disgruntled from other formations who are hungry as well as lot of inexperienced fellows.With this concoction and scramble for survival biggest fear is political strife and killings among leaders ad members towards its demise.

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